第1题
A.He can send a message to other people's cell phones.
B.He has a considerable sum of money.
C.He is a businessman.
D.He has a good taste for food.
第2题
A.He always takes it with him.
B.It was made by his uncle.
C.He had a German make it.
D.He often gets a seat free for his cello.
第3题
A.He always takes it with him.
B.It was made by his uncle.
C.He had a German make it.
D.He often gets a seat free for his cello.
第4题
What is the main topic of the passage?
A.Brazil seldom sends female swimmers or runners to the Olympics.
B.Cultural standards of attractiveness also affect athletic activities.
C.The effects of culture on standards of physical health and attractiveness.
D.The effects of culture on human biology.
第5题
25℃时下列电池的电动势为0.518V(忽略液接电势),
Pt|H2(105Pa),HA(0.01mol·dm-3),A-(0.01mol·dm-3)||SCE
计算弱酸HA的Ka值。
第7题
In different ways, each of these examples appears to point to the same, welcome conclusion: that the imbalance in corporate power of the late 1990s, when many bosses were allowed to behave like absolute monarchs, has been corrected. Alas, appearances can be deceptive. While each of these recent tales of chief-executive woe is a sign of progress, none provides much evidence that the crisis in American corporate governance is yet over. In fact, each of these cases is an example of failed, not successful, governance.
At the very least, the boards of both Morgan Stanley and HP were far too slow to address their bosses' inadequacies. The record of the Boeing board in picking chiefs prone to ethical lapses is too long to be dismissed as mere bad luck. The fall of Messrs Greenberg and Ebbers, meanwhile, highlights the growing role of government—and, in particular, of criminal prosecutors in holding bosses to account: a development that is, at best, a mixed blessing. The Sarbanes-Oxley act, passed in haste following the Enron and WorldCom scandals, is imposing heavy costs on American companies; whether these are exceeded by any benefits is the subject of fierce debate and may not be known for years.
Eliot Spitzer, New York's attorney-general, is the leading advocate and practitioner of an energetic "law enforcement" approach. He may be right that the recent burst of punitive actions has been good for the economy, even if some of his own decisions have been open to question. Where he is undoubtedly right is in arguing that corporate America has done a lamentable job of governing itself. As he says in an article in the Wall Street Journal this week, "The honour code among CEOs didn't work. Board oversight didn't work. Self-regulation was a complete failure." AIG's board, for example, did nothing about Mr. Greenberg's use of murky accounting, or the conflicts posed by his use of offshore vehicles, or his constant bullying of his critics let alone the firm's alleged participation in bid rigging—until Mr. Spitzer threatened a criminal prosecution that might have destroyed the firm.
How many America's celebrity bosses are mentioned in the first paragraph?
A.Three.
B.Four.
C.Five.
D.Six.
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