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[主观题]

On a hot Friday afternoon in the last week of August, cars, pickup trucks, campers, and sc

hool buses slowly pull into a park on the edge of Fargo, North Dakota. Families carve out small pieces of territory around their vehicles, making the park into a series of encampments. As they have done for generations, American Indians of the Great Plains gather once again for an annual powwow. Donning their traditional clothing, Ojibwa, Lakota, and Dakota people assemble for several days of celebration and ceremony.

To an outside observer attending for the first time, this year's powwow may appear chaotic. Even though posted signs promise that dances will begin at four o'clock, there is still no dancing at five-thirty, and the scheduled drummers never arrive. No one is in charge; the announcer acts as a facilitator of ceremonies, but no chief rises to demand anything of anyone. Everyone shows great respect for the elders and for the dancers, who are repeatedly singled out for recognition, but at the same time children receive attention for dancing, as does the audience for watching. Eventually the program grows in an organic fashion as dancers slowly become activated by drums and singing. Each participant responds to the mood of the whole group but not to a single, directing voice, and the event flows in an orderly fashion like hundreds of powwows before it.

This apparent penchant for respectful individualism and equality within an American Indian group seems as strong today to a non-Indian observer in Fargo as it did five centuries ago to early European explorers. Much to the shock of the first European observers and to the dismay of bureaucratic individuals, American Indian societies have traditionally operated without strong positions of leadership or coercive political institutions.

Adventure novels and Hollywood films set in the past often portray strong chiefs commanding their tribes. More often, however, as in the case of the Iroquois people, a council of sachems, or legislators, ruled, and any person called the "head" of file tribe usually occupied a largely honorary position of respect rather than power. Chiefs mostly played ceremonial and religious roles rather than political or economic ones. Unlike the familiar words "caucus" and "powwow," which are Indian-derived and indicative of American Indian political traditions, the word "chief" is an English word of French origin that British officials tried to force onto American Indian tribes in order that they might have someone with whom to trade and sign treaties.

In seventeenth-century Massachusetts the British tried to make one leader, Metacom of the Wampanoag people, into King Philip, thereby, imputing monarchy to the American Indian system when no such institution existed. Thus while certain English settlers learned from groups like the Iroquois people how to speak and act in group councils, others simultaneously tried to push American Indians toward a monarchical and therefore less democratic system.

By the late 1600's the Huron people of Canada had already interacted for decades with European explorers and traders and were thus able to compare their own way of life with that of the Europeans. The Hurons particularly decried the European obsession with money. By contrast, the Hurons lived a life of liberty and equality and believed that the Europeans lost their freedom in their incessant use of "thine" and "mine." One Huron explained to the French adventurer and writer Baron de La Hontan, who lived among the Hurons for eleven years, that his people were born free and united, each as great as the other, while Europeans were all the slaves of one sole person. "I am the master of my body," he said, "... I am the first and the last of my nation... subject only to the great Spirit." These words recorded by La Hontan may have reflected the Frenchman's own philosophical bias, but his book rested on a solid factual base: the Huron pe

A.provide a narrative account to serve as an introduction

B.contrast American Indian social events with individual performances

C.create a sense of the permanence of some American Indian customs

D.inform. the reader about the nature of a powwow

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更多“On a hot Friday afternoon in the last week of August, cars, pickup trucks, campers, and sc”相关的问题

第1题

某企业购入一公司30%的股份进行长期投资,采用权益法进行核算,购入时支付价款120000元,同时支付相关税费10000元,购入时被投资企业可辨认净资产的账面价值500000元(公允价值等于账面价值),用权益法调整后长期股权投资的入账价值为()元

A.120000

B.130000

C.150000

D.110000

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第2题

某企业购入一公司30%的股份进行长期投资,采用权益法进行核算,购入时支付价款120000元,同时支付相
关税费10000元,购入时被投资企业可辨认净资产的账面价值为500000元(公允价值等于账面价值),用权益法调整后长期股权投资的入账价值为()元。

A.120000

B.130000

C.150000

D.110000

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第3题

某企业购入一公司30%的股份进行长期投资,采用权益法核算,购入时支付价款120000元,同时支付相关税
费10000元,购入时被投资企业可辨认净资产的账面价值为500000元(公允价值等于账面价值),则购入时长期股权投资的入账价值为()。

A.120 000元

B.130 000元

C.150 000元

D.110 000元

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第4题

某企业购入一公司30%的股份进行长期投资,采用权益法进行核算,购入时支付价款120 000元,同时支付相关税费10 000元,购入时被投资企业可辨认净资产的账面价值为500 000元(公允价值等于账面价值),则购入时长期股权投资的入账价值为()元

A.120 000

B.130 000

C.150 000

D.110 000

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第5题

某企业购人甲公司30%的股份进行长期投资,采用权益法进行核算,购入时支付价款120000元,同时支付相
关税费10000元,购人时被投资企业可辨认净资产的账面价值为500000元(公允价值等于账面价值),用权益法调整后长期股权投资的入账价值为()元。

A.120000

B.130000

C.150000

D.110000

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第6题

某企业购入甲公司30%的股份进行长期投资,采用权益法进行核算,购入时支付价款120 000元,同时支付相关税费10 000元,购入时被投资企业可辨认净资产的账面价值为500 000元(公允价值等于账面价值),用权益法调整后长期股权投资的入账价值为()元

A.120 000

B.130 000

C.150 000

D.110 000

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第7题

晶华公司于2015年1月1日,购入乙公司30%的股份进行长期投资,采用权益法进行核算,购入时支付价款79500元,包含已宣告但尚未发放的现金股利5000元,另支付相关税费500元,购入时乙公司可辨认净资产公允价值为300000元,则购入时该项长期股权投资的初始投资成本为()元

A.80000

B.79500

C.75000

D.90000

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第8题

某企业购入一公司的股票进行长期投资,采用成本法进行核算,购入时支付价款11900元,同时支付相关税费100元,购入2个月后收到企业购入时已宣布分配的上年度股利1000元,则购入时长期股权投资的入账价值为()元。

A.10900

B.11000

C.11900

D.12000

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第9题

甲企业于2010年1月1日,购入乙公司30%的股份进行长期投资,采用权益法进行核算,购入时支付价款15 800元,包含已宣告但尚未发放的现金股利900元,同时支付相关税费100元,购入时被投资企业可辨认净资产公允价值为60 000元,则购入时该项长期股权投资的初始投资成本为()元。

A.14 000

B.15 000

C.13 000

D.12 000

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