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Mass transportation revised the social and economic fabric of the American city in three f

undamental ways. It catalyzed physical expansion, it sorted out people and land uses, and it accelerated the inherent instability of urban life. By opening vast areas of unoccupied land for residential expansion, the omnibuses, horse railways, commuter trains, and electric trolleys pulled settled regions outward two to four times more distant form. city centers than they were in the premodern era. In 1850, for example, the borders of Boston lay scarcely two miles from the old business district; by the turn of the century the radius extended ten miles. Now those who could afford it could live far removed from the old city center and still commute there for work, shopping, and entertainment. The new accessibility of land around the periphery of almost every major city sparked an explosion of real estate development and fueled what we now know as urban sprawl. Between 1890 and 1920, for example, some 250,000 new residential lots were recorded within the borders of Chicago, most of them located in outlying areas. Over the same period, another 550,000 were plotted outside the city limits but within the metropolitan area. Anxious to take advantage of the possibilities of commuting, real estate developers added 800,000 potential building sites to the Chicago region in just thirty years lots that could have housed five to six million people.

Of course, many were never occupied; there was always a huge surplus of subdivided, but vacant, land around Chicago and other cities. These excesses underscore a feature of residential expansion related to the growth of mass transportation: urban sprawl was essentially unplanned. It was carried out by thousands of small investors who paid little heed to coordinated land use or to future land users. Those who purchased and prepared land for residential purposes, particularly land near or outside city borders where transit lines and middle-class inhabitants were anticipated, did so to create demand as much as to respond to it. Chicago is a prime example of this process. Real estate subdivision there proceeded much faster than population growth.

With which of the following subjects is the passage mainly concerned?

A.Types of mass transportation.

B.Instability of urban life.

C.How supply and demand determine land use.

D.The effect of mass transportation on urban expansion.

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更多“Mass transportation revised the social and economic fabric of the American city in three f”相关的问题

第1题

根据病因和发病机制简述贫血的分类。
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第2题

根据病因和发病机制,贫血的分类下列哪项正确A.红细胞生成减少和造血功能障碍两大类B.红

根据病因和发病机制,贫血的分类下列哪项正确

A.红细胞生成减少和造血功能障碍两大类

B.红细胞生成减少和红细胞破坏过多两大类

C.红细胞生成减少、红细胞破坏过多和失血三大类

D.造血原料不足、骨髓造血功能障碍和破坏过多三大类

E.红细胞生成减少、失血、溶血三大类

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第3题

根据病因和发病机制,贫血的分类下列哪项正确A.红细胞生成减少和造血功能障碍两大类B.红

根据病因和发病机制,贫血的分类下列哪项正确

A.红细胞生成减少和造血功能障碍两大类

B.红细胞生成减少和红细胞破坏过多两大类

C.红细胞生成减少、红细胞破坏过多和失血三大类

D.造血原料不足、骨髓造血功能障碍和破坏过多三大类

E.红细胞生成减少、失血、溶血三大类

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第4题

根据病因和发病机制,贫血分类以下哪项正确?()A、造血原料不足、造血功能障碍和破坏过多三大类B、

根据病因和发病机制,贫血分类以下哪项正确?()

A、造血原料不足、造血功能障碍和破坏过多三大类

B、红细胞生成减少和造血功能障碍两大类

C、红细胞生成减少、红细胞破坏过多两大类

D、红细胞生成减少、红细胞破坏过多和失血性三大类

E、造血原料不足、失血和溶血三大类

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第5题

根据贫血的病因及发病机制通常可将贫血分为三大类:_____________、_____________、______。
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第6题

根据病因和发病机制,下列贫血分类正确的是A、红细胞生成减少和造血功能障碍两大类B、红细胞生成减

根据病因和发病机制,下列贫血分类正确的是

A、红细胞生成减少和造血功能障碍两大类

B、红细胞生成减少、红细胞破坏过多和失血三大类

C、造血原料不足、造血功能障碍和破坏过多三大类

D、红细胞生成减少、红细胞破坏过多两大类

E、造血原料不足、失血、溶血三大类

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第7题

根据病因和发病机制,下列贫血分类正确的是A、红细胞生成减少和造血功能障碍两大类B、红细胞生成减

根据病因和发病机制,下列贫血分类正确的是

A、红细胞生成减少和造血功能障碍两大类

B、红细胞生成减少、红细胞破坏过多和溶血三大类

C、红细胞生成减少、红细胞破坏过多两大类

D、造血原料不足、造血功能障碍和溶血三大类

E、红细胞生成减少、红细胞破坏过多和失血三大类

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第8题

根据病因和发病机制,下列贫血分类正确的是A、红细胞生成减少和造血功能障碍两大类B、红细胞生成减

根据病因和发病机制,下列贫血分类正确的是

A、红细胞生成减少和造血功能障碍两大类

B、红细胞生成减少、红细胞破坏过多和失血三大类

C、红细胞生成减少、红细胞破坏过多两大类

D、造血原料不足、造血功能障碍和破坏过多三大类

E、造血原料不足、失血、溶血三大类

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